[Author’s Note: This Chapter and the rest of the short story were originally intended have been posted for the Beautiful Monsters Substack. But because Gio no longer has any plans to continue the Substack, I have no choice but to finish the rest of the story on The Fourth Estate as planned. Everything else going forward will not be reposts. -DAH]
The implementation of Council Democracy in the Federalist American Union revised how Americans within its borders elected their leaders. Although they continued to vote for a President and the Speaker determined by congressional majority, the Vice President however was selected by Congress. Congressional Senators were chosen by State Governments, whereas their congressional Delegates were directly chosen by the electorate. The State Government’s State-Electors and State-Delegates were voted in by local Councils that comprised Municipal Governments, where the foundational building blocks were laid by voters at the workspaces. In practice, the elections bore some similarities to how ‘American Democracy’ functioned under the old Federalist Party, which the GAFP sought to restore and bring up to contemporary standards.
This led to registered political parties fielding multiple endorsed presidential candidates in hopes of attract sympathetic Senators and Delegates to find compatible Vice Presidents. But while the CPFAU firmly rallied around Robert Gray Winterson–whom Gottfried Emmerich and the GAFP claim is ‘James Dougherty’–in accordance with Marxist-Leninism’s Democratic Centralism, Emmerich and the GAFP backed Federalist Army General Charles Gunderson. General Gunderson ran, among other things, the Party’s program of preserving peace with the postwar American States and former Canadian provinces.
Once it became apparent that the GAFP and CPFAU both commanded electoral majorities, the new Federal Government hosted the first of three rounds of presidential debates between General Gunderson and General Secretary Winterson. Radio and television stations broadcasted live footage of the debates, giving the two parties opportunities to address their respective political programs. A moderator delivered a series of prepared questions to Gunderson and Winterson, anticipating their responses on specific policy issues.
The first question concerned American Reunification. “As you both know,” the moderator told them, “The United States no longer exists. The lower forty-eight is now home to new nations, some of which are unstable. How should we tackle the question of American Reunification?”
“In these times,” Winterson addressed the camera, “America stands divided for the first time since the Civil War. Our FAU is not the only State claiming to be the true successor of the old United States. The New York City Metropolitan Area is divided between us and the ‘New England Corporatist States’. Below the Mason-Dixie Line, a new ‘Confederation of Southern States’ asserts territorial claims over West Virginia and the former District of Columbia. Texas seeks closer alliances with the CSS to restore old Dixieland. Beyond the Mississippi, the Mormons are establishing the new hegemonic ‘Theodemocratic State of Deseret’, hoping to realize their ‘Council of Fifty’. They are vying with the ‘People’s Republic of New California’ to annex the Pacific Northwest. Things are also just as bad up north, where the Canadian Provinces have established additional postwar American States after the Quebecois regained their independence.”
“And let us not forget that Alaska and Hawaii are still under foreign occupation,” Winterson continued. “Our Founding Fathers–the old Federalists–feared a divided America because the great powers of Eurasia are going to exploit our divisions. Right now, they are courting their American counterparts in hopes of adding us to their alliances. If elected President, I will lead the American Proletariat to fight tooth and nail so that our American homeland will one day be reunited again.”
General Gunderson issued his own rebuttal. “With all due respect, it would be disgrace for all of us to spill needless blood in America’s name. The CPFAU is adamant that the only way we can reunite America is by instigating wars that may spill over into larger conflicts among the Eurasian powers. We already saw how that played out in the First and Second World Wars. That is why the GAFP and I are on the side of peace between ourselves and our new neighbors.”
“As the GAFP’s presidential candidate,” he argued, “I sincerely believe that the old model of America under one nation was what led to the endless bickering over the roles of the Federal and State Governments. When the Jeffersonians–these Democrats and Republicans–were in power, they could not make up their minds over how to govern America, let alone how to manage this Empire of Liberty they tried to create under Woodrow Wilson and FDR. They allowed the concept of ‘Americaness’ to fall into dispute after the New Deal in the 1930s, after the Culture Wars in the 1960s. We no longer think of New Yorkers and Virginians as ‘Americans’ in the sense that Prussians and Austrians think of themselves as ‘Germans.’”
“Then what was the point of us fighting the Civil War?” Winterson questioned, his eyes narrowing as he tilted his head at Gunderson. “You cannot tell us that it was over ‘States Rights.’”
“Not at all,” Gunderson quipped, “It was the old Federalists who planted the idea of Abolitionism, ensuring that the question of Slavery will someday be confronted. We too will overcome the issue of American Reunification, but not through fratricide. Instead, we will follow the European example where all continental affairs fall under an Inter-Governmental Organization led by one of its key member-states. The German Reich may be overseeing the European Federation as of late, but France, Italy, and Spain will someday take its place democratically. If elected President, I will ensure that America will find its place in this postwar world order.”
The moderator proceeded with the question of socioeconomic life in the FAU. “The FAU may be under State Capitalism, but this will not be the case forever. At some point, Congress must choose between Syndicalism, Corporatism, and Socialism. Which one should the FAU choose?”
Gunderson spoke first. “The Southerners and Texans are interested in National Syndicalism like Mexico or Spain, the Californians and Mormons have their own versions of Socialism, and the New Englanders are revamping old Puritan Corporatism along the Italian Fascist model. It has become self-evident to the GAFP that the FAU must choose between Alexander Hamilton’s ‘Federalist Socialism’ and Tench Coxe’s ‘Federalist Corporatism.’ True national prosperity and fiscal discipline can only come from a healthy and energetic American people, the real power behind the Federal Government. It is their Life-Energy that goes into the Federal Reserve, their Arbeit that creates Value for our Federalist Notes.”
“For Federalist Socialism and Federal Corporatism,” he added, “Everything revolves around the questions of political-economic governance in our emerging Command Economy. In the former, Federal and National-Socialized Enterprises take precedence inside the Economic Chambers of Congress; in the latter, it is the State and Social Enterprises that are emphasized.”
“And I presume that this is perhaps the reason why your General Secretary recently deemed Theodore Roosevelt and Richard Nixon as ‘Honorary Federalists?’” Winterson questioned. “That Nixon brought about the ‘Death of Bretton Woods’ and the other Roosevelt provided the philosophical basis for a Federalist Corporatism?”
“That is correct,” Gunderson responded. “Even your CPFAU agrees that we either implement Federalist Socialism or Market Socialism on the Hungarian and Yugoslav model.”
The moderator offered one final question before a long intermission of public service announcements and commercials. “After World War II, US manufacturing disappeared in the States that now constitute the FAU, reappearing instead in the Southern and Southwestern States. This has also resulted in the destruction of entire ethnic communities of Americans with centuries-old ties to their Eurasian homelands. How will we handle reindustrialization and international trade with the Eurasian powers?”
“Our FAU still retains the prewar reputation of being the ‘Rust Belt,’” Winterson said, “In an America where the other States got the bulk of the former US Manufacturing Sector, we must catch up with the Southerners, Texas, Mormons, and New Californians. Once I am elected President, Congress and I will see to it that there will be an ‘Eight-Year Plan’ to address such disparities. We will also establish a special Federal Fund to encourage newlyweds and families to settle in languishing cities like Detroit and Atlantic City.”
“There is no doubt that many of these communities are strong due to the Catholic Church in the former US,” Gunderson spoke. “Unlike the South, the FAU inherited large European Catholic populations where the Church played a major role, if not the only one, within their communities. If elected, Congress and I will work with the Church to promote the racial and cultural diversity of the FAU in hopes of preserving these traditions. The great powers of Eurasia should no longer view us as the dumping ground for their best and their worst citizens. For what unites us is the belief in the idea of an American Union.”
In the end, both the GAFP and the CPFAU arrived at the conclusion that the FAU should promote autarkic and export-oriented trade policies. Real Trade, not Free Trade, dominated the discussion of trade with the rest of the world.
***
Inside the living room of the Emmerich residence, Christoph and his comrades had just seen the first round of debates unfold on the family television screen. His uncle Emmerich was also present. As a public service announcement appeared onscreen, Christoph voiced: “Winterson, I mean–Dougherty–seemed more photogenic on TV than in person earlier this week.”
“Was that supposed a complement?” Emmerich mused.
“Nein,” Christoph answered, “His charisma is always on display regardless.” He looked away from the TV screen, his uncle sitting on the couch with his daughters. “We tried to schedule some kind of interview with Dougherty, but we were never able to get our chance.”
“Not because he was busy but because his staff does not trust foreigners like Andreas and I,” Max chortled, “Something tells me that the CPFAU is not interested in letting four German university students into his office.”
“And what were you two expecting?” Emmerich added. “Dougherty is not going to let his guard down so easily. With so many eyes on him these days, not to mention the possibility that he will become Vice President if Gunderson wins, it seems direct confrontations will not bode well.”
Andreas crossed his arms. “What are you planning to do once he’s in power?”
“Make no mistake, Andreas,” Emmerich told him, “Dougherty will eventually prepare the FAU for a long war. The President may be constrained by term limits and his vested powers under the Constitution, but the Vice President can always be recalled…during peacetime.”
“But why not during wartime?” Andreas said.
“Why would you recall your Head of Government during a war?” Emmerich replied. “It tells your would-be enemies that you are losing the will to fight and in turn your will to govern. Wars tend to bring nations together so long as they remain united under sound leadership.”
“Does anyone here except Herr Emmerich thinks the CPFAU’s proposed Eight-Year Plan will be the catalyst to prepare for a future war?” Wilhelm pondered.
“Most economic plans do not last that long unless there is a longer-term strategic goal at stake,” Emmerich explained. “Our initial plans for a well-placed sniper round or a car bomb to deal with Dougherty is out of the question now that the other parties failed to take the CPFAU’s place before the debates.” He pointed at Christoph. “You should have done something sooner.”
Christoph froze. “Uncle, that was your plan this whole time?” He sulked at Emmerich in revulsion. “You wanted us to kill him? Is it the reason you kept insisting that we figure out whether Winterson is Dougherty and not let that K8 carbine collect dust earlier this week?”
“The man is going to become a clear and present danger someday,” he answered, switching the TV off with the remote in his hand. “You and your comrades should have dealt with him before the CPFAU became our leading opposition in the elections.”
“We didn’t come to America just to perform a Vehmgericht, an extrajudicial killing!” Christoph snapped. “Neither I nor my comrades will kill somebody based on your vague hunches! Why can’t you just accept the fact that Dougherty died?”
Andreas shook his head in dismay. “Speaking of which, I’ve been wanting to ask you where the GAFP found the body,” he told Emmerich. “Where was the body found?”
“In a mass grave on the Maryland side of the Potomac, just outside the former District of Columbia,” Emmerich recalled. “The coroner who had examined the body still lives there.” From a coffee table in front of the couch, he sifted through a loose stack of business cards until he found one containing the contact information of the medical examiner. “Feel free to give him a call. Tell him that you four are with me and General Gunderson.”
While Andreas pocketed the business card, Wilhelm muttered: “This is only going to make things more complicated, Andreas.”
“I want to know the truth as much as Christoph does, albeit for very different reasons,” Andreas responded. “Besides, I came here to also tour other parts of the US.”
“And here I thought that we were just going to tour the former US and conduct simple research studies under the Adalbert Institute,” Max complained.
Emmerich paused when Max mentioned the name ‘Adalbert Institute’. The name reminded him of past associations between himself, Dougherty, and the incumbent Reichspräsident of the German Reich. “Christoph,” he spoke, “What do you know about the ‘Adalbert Munitions Manufactory Corporation?’”
“Adalbert Munitions is one of, if not the biggest, producer of firearms and ammunition in the German Reich,” Christoph replied.
“Comrade Christoph also happens to be notable investor of their Fiefs and Work-Plans back at our country’s Kontore,” Max chuckled, patting his hand on Christoph’s shoulder. “The incumbent Reichspräsident’s family owns and runs Adalbert Munitions as a State Enterprise, not to mention a sponsor of the Adalbert Institute for the Study of Foreign Economies.”
“Do you suspect that Dougherty caught wind that we are in America as part of the Adalbert Institute?” Andreas asked. “Does the CPFAU have reasons to believe that the Adalbert Institute is a front for some kind of intelligence-gathering operation by our country’s intelligence services?”
“It would account for why Dougherty turn off offers for an interview,” Emmerich answered. “Him and I are old friends of Prussia’s von Adalbert family. He may have been tipped by off by you and Christoph mentioning the ‘Adalbert Institute.’”
Crossing his arms, Christoph rolled his eyes. “Where is this conversation going?”
It suddenly occurred to Emmerich that the medical examiner who examined the alleged cadaver belonging to James Dougherty may soon be targeted by the CPFAU. “Andreas,” he told him, “That coroner’s life is in danger now that Dougherty knows the Adalbert family is supporting the GAFP. Take my nephew and hurry over to DC! There’s no time!”
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