American Conservatism is Pure Socialism: Triangulation Practice Session (Pt. II of II)

“He [gave Geld] to each boy. ‘[Form] the [Socialist] World Order. It [is all] yours [in exchange for your Arbeit].’”

-Richard Alan Clarke, Pinnacle Event: A Novel, ca. 2015

“I am the one thing in life I can control. I am inimitable; I am an original. I’m not falling behind or running late. I’m not standing still: I am [also] lying in wait [at the Korean Mousetrap].”

Lin-Manuel Miranda, “Wait for It,” from Hamilton, ca. 2015

Clarke’s Cassandra Coefficient is perfect with the Political Organization Problem and the Third World Ideologies Diagram. If the Coefficient can detect people warning of future catastrophes, it should also be able to detect people trying to stop future catastrophes from happening. Since I am convinced that the efficacy is a given, the exact opposite should also be a given as well, the Cognitive Biases that all of humanity possesses in untold variations. Even I am not immune to this for I am but a mortal human myself who has been born into an extraordinary period in US History.

(1) The warning, the threat, or risk in question.
(2) The decision makers or audience who must react.
(3) The predictor or possible Cassandra.
(4) The critics who disparage or reject the warning.

There are 4 Components and 24 Characteristics in the Cassandra Coefficient. They read as follows:

Anyone who reads The Fourth Estate should realize that I have a peculiar fascination with technical terms like “Mission-Type Economic Planning” and “Socialist Fintech (Financial Technology).” When I type these paragraphs for you – the Reader – to read, what are you actually thinking and feeling about those two technical terms from The Work-Standard? Is there a specific emotion or thought emanating from their own subconscious? Are you projecting aspects of Neoliberalism or aspects of yourself onto the Typus of Alexander Hamilton, the Federalist Party, Hamiltonian Federalist Socialism, and/or myself? Are your interpretations derived from The Work-Standard or were they in actuality derived from whatever you were told to believe by Liberal Capitalists like the Keynesians, Monetarists, Austrian Schoolers? Or are your interpretations based on what you were told by the Scientific Socialists (regardless of whether they agree that “Marx is Dead” after March 14, 1883)?

Regardless of how you choose to answer these questions, there are specific psychic and psychological conditions which go into our everyday perceptions and understandings of Reality.

My conception of the Planned/Command Economy and Reciprocal-Reserve Banking System still defies most conventional everyday perceptions of Socialist Economics (and there are no conceptions of Socialist Finance in economic history prior to me) because, unlike most people, I have mastered the art of distinguishing between the Label and the Essence of specific ideologies as a political scientist and as a financial engineering student. The Label remains constant but the Essence will always be different because it is related to the Cultural Norms and Social Customs of the Totality which defines any Socialist nation-state. What applies in the Federalist American Union (FAU) must never be conflated with whatever goes the German Reich, Soviet Union, People’s Republic of China, Imperial Japan, Fascist Italy, Falangist Spain, Yugoslavia, DPRK, Czechoslovakia, Confederation of Israel and Palestine and so forth.

While I am figuring out how best to convey The Work-Standard, even in its current format as the First Edition, I have discovered a whole gamut of Ideological Response Rejections regarding terms like “Socialism” and “Capitalism” from different people. Over the past week or so, I had been conversing with dozens of people wherein I asked them “What is Socialism?” and “What is Capitalism?” so I can compare their responses against the Kompromat (Compromising Material) I have on “Social-Democracy,” “Workfare Socialism” and “Welfare Capitalism.” The Responses are a sort of feedback loop revolving around Love and Fear, Shame and Hatred, Dissatisfaction and Frustration, Cultural Norms and Social Customs, Values and Interests, Purpose and Reverence, Innovation and Tradition, Weltanschauung (Worldview) and Weltgefühl (World-Feeling).

The reactions I tend to receive from most people involves some combination of the First Occurrence Syndrome, Erroneous Consensus, Magnitude Overload, Outlandishness, Diffusion of Command Responsibility, Satisficing, Inability to Discern the Unusual, Personal or Professional Investment, Non-Expert Rejection, and the “Now is not the Time!” Fallacy.

And not just with The Work-Standard itself: most people that I had conversed with in the past ten years, from nearly every conceivable manner of political-economic discourse, lack the basic forms of Situational Awareness and the Freedom of Conscience to stop and ask for questions and directions as part of a functioning Council Democracy. Those three are all required prerequisites for Mission-Type Economic Planning (MTEP) and Socialist Fintech.

The Work-Standard, as with any other creation that belongs to me, does not necessarily have a particular political or economic affiliation because the concepts that I delve into are quite universal in all nation-states. The only genuine problem, as I have been trying to point out, is that most people are always going to detect the Invisible Obvious. That may not necessarily be a disadvantage because that means I am technically invisible to most people. I can disappear from the Political Compass and reappear in the direct presence of anyone at anytime, anywhere. It has gotten to the point where I had to design the Third World Ideologies Diagram to get my bearings.

Continuing where we left off, I thought I should point out that the Typus of Alexander Hamilton never ceases to amaze me. Apparently social psychologists have informed me that Hamilton’s personality ought to be more well-known for its propensity toward Projective Identification by everyday Americans. This is interesting because in the realm of Psychoanalysis, Projective Identification refers to a social phenomenon wherever there are everyday Americans projecting their own innate qualities, however flawed, uninformed, or uncertain they may be, onto Hamilton’s Typus and by extension Hamilton’s own Authentic Dasein as an historical figure. Anyone can then internalize these projected qualities, arriving at the conclusion that their own flaws are allegedly those of Hamilton, when in reality they have always been their own flaws the entire time. “Most Americans” are not always going to understand why, nor do they have the time or means to know why. If they did, then “most Americans” should not be engaging in their own Projective Identifications on Socialism or Figure of the Arbeiter and Figure of the Anarch.

One of Ernst Jünger’s influences when he wrote Der Arbeiter in 1932 was clearly Prussianism and Socialism. This is significant because early on in Der Arbeiter, Jünger argued that if somebody like me is going to adopt the Typus of Alexander Hamilton for instance, I need to actually know who Alexander Hamilton was as an historical figure in US History. For me, the Patron Saints of Catholic Education–particularly Mother St. Elizabeth Ann Seton, SC–were my best points of Reference and Relevance in the Heideggerian sense.

“The word ‘Socialism’ designates the noisiest, if not the most profound, topic of current debate. Everyone is using it. Everyone thinks it means something different. Into this universal catchword everyone injects whatever he Loves or Hates, Fears or Desires. Yet no one is aware of the scope and limitations of the word’s historical function. Is Socialism[:]”

Natural Instinct || Planned System
Goal of Mankind || Temporary Condition
Working Class Demands || Way of Life
Socialism = Marxism || Marxism ≠ Socialism

Was “Vladimir Lenin” a Socialist in Words, a Socialist in Deeds?

Was “Vladimir Lenin” a Capitalist in Words, a Socialist in Deeds?

Was “Vladimir Lenin” a Capitalist in Words, a Capitalist in Deeds?

Was “Vladimir Lenin” a Socialist in Words, a Capitalist in Deeds?

There is No Right Answer because there is also No Wrong Answer regarding Lenin in the context of “On Cooperation” and “A Talk With Defenders of Economism.”

“People who aim to change the word continually fall into the error of confusing what ought to be with what shall be. Rare indeed is the vision that can penetrate beyond the tangle and flux of contemporary events. I have yet to find someone who has really understood this German Revolution, who has fathomed its meaning or foreseen its duration. Moments are being mistaken for epochs, next year for the next century, whims for ideas, books for human beings.

[W]hat I am describing here is not just another conciliatory move, not a retreat or an evasion, but a Destiny. It cannot be escaped by closing one’s eyes, denying it, fighting it, or fleeing from it; such actions would merely be various ways of fulfilling it. Ducunt volentem fata, nolentem trahunt [Translation: ‘The Fates always drove the Well-Intentioned who are often chosen to lead the Woefully-Ignorant’]. The Spirit of Old Prussia and the Socialist Attitude, at present driven by brotherly hatred to combat each other, are in fact one and the same. This is an incontrovertible fact of history, not just a literary figment. The elements that make up history are blood, race—which is [a social construct] created by ideas that are never expressed—and the kind of thought which coordinates the energies of body and mind. History transcends all mere ideals, doctrines, and logical formulations.

[I] am counting on those of our young people who are sound enough to ignore worthless political verbiage and scheming, who are capable of grasping what is potent and invincible in our nature, and who are prepared to go forward, come what may. [T]hey must be willing to accept [Constitutional] Obligations despite Hardship and Poverty; they must possess a Roman [Catholic Discernment for Vocational Civil] Service, Modesty in the exercise of authority, and the willingness to take on [Legal] Duties readily and without exception rather than [just simply demanding more Legal] Rights from others. These conditions once met, a silent sense of awareness will unite the Individual with the Totality [or unite my American Self with the American Totality]. Such potential awareness is our greatest and most sacred asset. It is the heritage of anguished centuries, and it distinguishes [the Prussians] from all other [Europeans]—us, the youngest and last people of our culture.”

-Oswald Spengler, Prussianism and Socialism, ca. 1919

Most Americans who adhere to any conceivable political-economic ideology, regardless of whether they are practicing Roman Catholics, are oblivious to this woman’s existence and why she happened to be Hamilton’s next-door neighbor, confidant and perhaps even coworker on Wall Street. Yes, the same “Wall Street” in New York’s Lower Manhattan that a lot of Americans also identify their own Debt-Slavery and Kapital-Slavery with under Neoliberalism. Even more telling is how most Americans are unaware of Hamilton’s Federalist Bank, The Bank of New York Mellon Corporation, and the fact that its original location is currently The Trump Building under a Lease that Donald Trump had made in the 1990s.

The Eternal Source of the US National Debt.
40 Wall Street (ca. 2016)

Furthermore, in the entire US, I have only found one elderly man from Pittsburgh who knew the other Patron Saint of Catholic Education, Bishop St. Johann Nepomuk Neumann, CSsR of Bohemia; Catholic America is far more familiar with His Excellency’s Jeffersonian Antithesis, Cardinal St. John Henry Newman, CO of London. The facts are significant in relation to the following from Der Arbeiter and the rest of this Blog post.

Let us first seek out this consciousness where it is hardest at work: but let us seek it out with love, with the will to interpret thoroughly what we actually find! Let us therefore turn toward the worker, who early on involved a relentless opposition to all bourgeois values and drew the strength for his movements from the sense of this opposition.

We stand sufficiently far from the beginning of these movements to do them justice. No one can choose for himself the school bench on which his character is formed, because schools are chosen by fathers, but the day comes when we sense we have outgrown it and we recognize our true Vocation [through Discernment in the Roman Catholic sense]. We must consider this when thinking about the power of the worker’s means [Mittel], and we should remember they were forged in battle, and in battle every position is taken up in response to the enemy. It would be all too easy to complain that the worker’s substance, like a metal yet to be melted from purity, is shot through with bourgeois values, and his language, unquestioningly of the 20th century, is full of concepts shaped by 19th century questions. For he needed to use these concepts to make himself understood when he first began to speak, and the confines of his demands were determined by the demands of his opponent. Thus, slowly, he came up against the bourgeois ceiling, finally bursting through it, and it is hardly unsurprising that he bears the marks of this development.

However, these marks were left not only by what held him back, but also by what nourished him. We saw that in Germany, for good reasons, the Third Estate was incapable of achieving an open and recognized dominion. Thus, the worker had the strange ancillary task of providing this dominion, and it is a very significant act that he first had to bring the alien element mixed in which his endeavors under this Dominion, in order to discover that it was not his own. These, as we said, are the residues of nourishment, and the elimination of waste will remove them. Yet how could it have been otherwise, since the first teachers of the worker were bourgeois in origin, and the systems this youthful force was embedded in were bourgeois systems?

[S]o it turned out, whenever someone intended to perform revolutionary work in Germany, it was a mere playing at revolution, while the actual upheavals took place out of sight, perhaps in quiet places [like Milton Friedman’s Universal Basic Income (UBI) or Friedrich von Hayek’s articulations of Cryptocurrency in the 1970s] or veiled under the smoldering curtains of battle [Read: like Richard Alan Clarke’s Cassandra Coefficient].

But the truly novel does not need the overemphasis it finds in revolt, since its greatest danger resides in the simple fact of its presence.”

-Ernst Jünger, Der Arbeiter, ca. 1932
The Socialist who learns how to crossdress as a “Socially-minded Capitalist” is rewarded with this elaborate game of chess with Friedrich von Hayek, chess being the Soviets’ preferred game of choice.
The Socialist who learns how to crossdress as a “Socially-minded Capitalist” is allowed to oversee the printing of Kapital with Milton Friedman at the Federal Reserve. And if one is as devious as the Jungfrau, the Blonde Bestie Mariya Shidō or more specifically Solomon Perel, they can “rewire” the Cognitive Biases of a Ludwig von Mises into accusing the same Milton Friedman of being a “Workfare Socialist,” a “Welfare Capitalist,” a “Social-Democrat,” or a “Fascist.”

Therefore, allow me to should share everything that I currently know about the Parentis, both father and son. “Parenti the Elder” is Michael John Parenti, “Parenti the Younger” being Christian Parenti. Parenti the Younger had directed my attention to the significances of why various policies espoused by Alexander Hamilton are great for combating Climate Change in his 2020 book, Radical Hamilton: Economic Lessons from a Misunderstood Founder. The title says it all and Parenti the Younger understood my conclusions about Hamilton:

“The modern United States has a strange relationship with Alexander Hamilton. Sometimes he is seen as the bad boy of the founding fathers, because of his authoritarian political tendencies. He is portrayed as the patron saint of bankers, because he saw the importance of banks and created our financial system. As a person he was a contradictory mix: a tough soldier, austere workaholic, exacting bureaucrat, yet also a sexual libertine who probably had at least one male lover, and a glory-obsessed romantic with pronounced suicidal tendencies.

For much of the twentieth century, Hamilton was out of fashion, while his rival Thomas Jefferson, the patrician [Democratic-Republican] and slave owner who feared government overreach, was claimed by all. But more recently, Hamilton has become hip. Yet Americans still ignore Hamilton’s [Socialistic] economic theory. We take our Hamilton à la carte. We recognize him as the architect of our financial system, but we ignore what he wrote about the real economy in which goods and services are actually produced and consumed.

Hamilton’s ultimate allegiance was to the project of state formation. In this regard he embodies what later social scientists would refer to as ‘the relative autonomy of the state.’ For Hamilton, a secure future depended on a strong and activist government, powerful military, and robust, nationally integrated economy based on manufacturing. In place of Smith’s ‘invisible hand,’ Hamilton saw the hand of government.

Hamilton, on the other hand, operated with an acute sense of vulnerability. This helped him see power as operating collectively through institutions. In his meteoric political rise, Hamilton navigated by way of social organizations, communal structures, groups, and hierarchies. From a small island to the mainland, from poor student to pamphleteer and soldier, from soldier to political operative, politician, and state builder—every phase was an object lesson in the social and institutional nature of power.

But I should point that the surname “Parenti” is symbolic insofar as it is derived from “Parent” because Parenti the Younger’s Weltanschauung reflects those of Parenti the Elder. Parenti the Elder knows about Pan-Germanic Socialism and its significance as a Socialism. However, his Weltanschauung is reflective of older generations of Americans who still remember the psychic scars inflicted on them by the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Thus, he still thinks that Pan-Germanic Socialism, “Hitlerism” and “Strasserism” are of the same ideology, even though there were various other political factions and parties throughout the German-speaking world that sought to claim the mantle of Pan-Germanic Socialism for themselves. Just pay attention to my Deconstructions of Parenti the Elder’s 2001 book, Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism:

:

[Not] [a]ll Conservative ideologies justify existing inequities as the natural order of things, inevitable outcomes of human nature. [Since I am basing my conceptions of Social Governance according to Blood and Soil and Blood and Wealth,] [i]f the very rich are naturally so much more capable than the rest of us, why must they be provided with so many artificial privileges under the law, so many bailouts, subsidies and other special considerations – at our expense? [My conception of economic life is very Jeffersonian because][t]heir ‘naturally superior talents’ include unprincipled and illegal subterfuge such as price-fixing, stock manipulation, insider training, fraud, tax evasion, the legal enforcement of unfair competition, ecological spoliation, harmful products and unsafe work conditions. One might expect naturally superior people not to act in such rapacious and venal ways. Differences in talent and capacity as might exist between individuals do not excuse the crimes and injustices that are endemic to the corporate business system.”

“During the years of Stalin’s reign, the Soviet nation made dramatic gains in literacy, industrial wages, health care, and women’s rights. These accomplishments usually go unmentioned when the Stalinist era is discussed. To say that ‘[Soviet-Type Economic Planning (STEP) doesn’t work]’ is to overlook the fact that it [carried with it some fatal design flaws forewarned in Josef Stalin’s ‘Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR’ or Chairman Mao’s ‘A Critique of Soviet Economics’]. In [post-1945] Eastern Europe, Russia, China, Mongolia, North Korea, and Cuba [and given the Albanian-Soviet, Yugoslav-Soviet and Sino-Soviet Disputes], [International Socialism died out and National Socialism took its place, creating] a life for the mass of people that was far better than the wretched existence [of those who] had endured under [Neoliberalism]. The end result was a dramatic improvement in living conditions for hundreds of millions of people on a scale never before or since witnessed in history.”

“What distinguishes Fascism from ordinary right-wing patriarchal autocracies is the way it attempts to cultivate a revolutionary aura. [For unlike Fascism, Social-Democracy] offers a beguiling mix of revolutionary-sounding mass appeals and reactionary class politics. [However, the NSDAP was called] the National Socialist German Workers Party, a Left-sounding name. As already noted, the [Sturmabteilung (SA)] had a militant share-the-wealth strain in their ranks [of actual Marxists-Leninists, National Communists, Edelweiss Pirates and other youth dissidents like Solomon Perel, a Jewish boy who masqueraded as an Ethnic German and Hitlerjugend member] that was [allegedly] suppressed by [the Hitlerists but people like had nonetheless infiltrated the NSDAP’s SSE, which were the Hitlerjugend (HJ) and Bund Deutscher Mädel (BDM)].”

The character Salek (played by Marco Hofschneider) from the 1991 film, Europa, Europa, is based on Solomon Perel’s memoir, I Was Hitler Youth Solomon.
Mariya Shidō

“[The Liberalization of Minds in East Germany culminated with people] voicing their disappointments about German Reunification [as part of the New Versailles Treaty]. One noted Lutheran clergyman commented: ‘We fell into the Tyranny of [Kapital]. The way [Kapital and Schuld are created in West Germany] is something I find very hard to take.’ Another Lutheran pastor said: ‘We East Germans [should have had a] real picture of what Life was like in [the Liberal International Economic Order (LIEO)]. We had no idea how [Jeffersonian] it would be [since Social-Democracy’s Welfare Capitalism and Workfare Socialism] are the levers [that move the OCED-Type Student Economy, Market/Mixed Economy, Fractional-Reserve Banking System, Financial Markets and Shadow Banking System, and Parliamentary Democracy].”

-Michael Parenti, Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism
And the Overthrow of Communism, ca. 2001
Cassandra Coefficient Symbol

“[In retrospect, we must always] remember that we write with the benefit and the handicap of hindsight. Hindsight can sometimes see the past clearly-with 20/20 vision. But the path of what happened is so brightly lit that it places everything else more deeply into shadow. Commenting on Pearl Harbor, Roberta Wohlstetter found it ‘much easier after the event to sort the relevant from the irrelevant signals. After the event, of course, a signal is always crystal clear; we can now see what disaster it was signaling since the disaster has occurred. But before the event it is obscure and pregnant with conflicting meanings.’

As time passes, more documents become available, and the bare facts of what happened become still clearer. Yet the picture of how those things happened becomes harder to reimagine, as that past world, with its preoccupations and uncertainty, recedes and the remaining memories of it become colored by what happened and what was written about it later. With that caution in mind, we asked ourselves, before we judged others, whether the insights that seem apparent now would really have been meaningful at the time, given the limits of what people then could reasonably have known or done.”

-The 9/11 Commission Report, q.v. “Foresight–and Hindsight” (Pg. 339), ca. 2002-2004


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