“The [Democratic-Republican Party] in the arena of world politics have gorged themselves in all respects. Although they can [afford untold sums of Kapital and Schuld], they do not possess top-notch statesmen, planners, military leaders, scientists, nor [an American] people willing to make sacrifices and capable of accomplishing great historic feats. [Jeffersonianism does not] have an attractive ideal. The crux of [every Jeffersonian] miscalculation is the belief that allies can be bought with [Kapital and Schuld]. Alliances are not cemented with ideologies but rest squarely on common interests. Alliances too are respected as long as interests remain mutual. But America’s interests do not run parallel with those of Asia or Europe, not even with those of Britain or Latin America. The slogan which stirs the world today is the word ‘Anti-Capitalism.’
The American people, who were untouched by the destructive course of two World Wars, are constantly plagued by a guilty conscience. They are bothered by a gnawing doubt as to whether they always make the right decisions. Too often have they miscalculated and, when something goes wrong, they easily fall victim to a hangover. Great decisions can only be made by a well-prepared people with strong nerves.
[Meanwhile,] our people [can] be called upon for [any] historic decisions. A nation which has lost [so much] in the short span but is already again conscious of its future tasks, can never be defeated. National training and [political-economic] schooling [in the SSE have nurtured the student body] for the execution of world politics on a grand style. No other [youth] on Earth [commands] such political maturity, fanatical faith, ironclad willpower and flexibility in tactics—not merely to overcome defeat but also to start again from scratch. Tradition and belief in a world mission [can electrify an entire generation]. Everyone feels within [their] deepest consciousness that the great national task—the [Socialist world order]—will ultimately be crowned with victory.
Everywhere there emerges the desire for [this world order, expressed by] an outspoken aversion [toward Neoliberalism]. In this extended transitory period, it should prove possible to build up a new political bloc [against the Empire of Liberty]. The economic advantages and the political possibilities in such a new power combination would put the [Jeffersonians] against the wall.”
The Student Codetermination
The SSE wields a multitude of capabilities that will never be found in OECD-Type Student Economies. Its Student Government provides the student body with hands-on training and education on governing the SSE in preparation for governing the Socialist Nation itself. It provides every student their own opportunity to serve the Draft outside the armed forces, build diplomatic relations through Student Exchanges, and even facilitate the Student Codetermination of the Military-Industrial Complex. The latter provides students with the means of production necessary for creating a 600-Ship Navy in the timespan of a single Four-Year Work-Plan and at the fraction of the cost when compared to the Jeffersonian version.
A 600-Ship Navy is within the realm of possibility for an SSE’s Student Cooperatives exercising Codetermination in the Military-Industrial Complex. Aircraft Carriers, Battleships, Battlecruisers, Heavy and Light Cruisers, Destroyers and Frigates, Patrol Boats and Amphibious Assault Ships, Troopships and Hospital Ships, U-Boats and Minesweepers. Everything can be built in secret despite the entire production process existing in plain sight. Technology also exists for TBM (Tunnel Boring Machines) to construct Deep Underground Shopping Centers (DUSCs) and building materials to create the Germanic Shopping Citadel, the eponymous-named Third Place. With enough Arbeit and Geld, it is now possible for the Third Place to be literally constructed underwater, below the seafloor itself!
Consider the following tables on the number of warships that the US Navy between 1938 and 2016. How perplexing is it for one to realize that the US Navy had nearly 7,000 warships in August 1945, a feat that the US Navy itself has never achieved before or ever since? Is The Work-Standard capable of achieving similar results?
While it is true that the US industrial base has been allowed to deteriorate by the Jeffersonians after 1945, this factor alone cannot explain the overemphasis on increasingly expensive and impractical applications of naval technologies. Historian Paul Kennedy explained this Economic Calculation Problem best within his section on the US in Rise and Fall of the Great Powers:
“In the area of military procurement itself, allegations of ‘waste, fraud and abuse’ have been commonplace. The various scandals over horrendously expensive, underperforming weapons which have caught the public’s attention in recent years have plausible explanations: [the presence] of competitive bidding and of market forces in the Military-Industrial Complex, and the tendency toward ‘gold-plated’ weapons systems, not to mention the striving [to achieve the greatest Quantity of Kapital for the least Quantity of Schuld]. It is difficult, however, to separate deficiencies in the procurement process from what is clearly a more fundamental happening: the intensification of the impacts which new technological advances make upon the art of war[.]-Paul Kennedy, Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, ca. 1987
Nevertheless, the fact that the Reagan administration in its first term spent 75% more on new aircraft than the Carter regime but acquired only 9% percent more planes points to the appalling military-procurement problem of [Neoliberalism]: Given the technologically driven tendency toward spending more and more money upon fewer and fewer weapons systems, would the [Democratic-Republican Party and the EU/NATO forces] have enough sophisticated and highly expensive aircraft and tanks in reserve after the early stages of a ferociously fought conventional war [with the Socialist Nation of the SMP Compendium]? Does the US Navy possess enough attack submarines, or frigates, if heavy losses were incurred in the early stages of the third Battle of the Atlantic? If not, the results would be grim; for it is clear that today’s complex weaponry simply cannot be replaced in the short times which were achieved during the Second World War.”
Unlike its early 20th century incarnation, the US Navy in the 21st century can no longer afford to sustain a new Pearl Harbor and a new Battle of the Atlantic. A new-old Imperial Japan can assert naval supremacy in the Pacific and a new-old German Reich can assert naval supremacy in the Atlantic at a fraction of the cost and within a shorter timeframe. Backed by The Work-Standard’s Socialist Finance, Socialist Technology and Socialist Fintech (Financial Technology), it is now possible to envisage the Japanese, the Germans and the other eight Pariahs from Part I to field a 600-Ship Navy. A 6,000-Ship Navy is also within the realm of possibility for the Pariahs, regardless of whether we are talking about one of the Pariahs or all ten of them.
What plagues the US Navy under the Democratic-Republican Party is likewise for the rest of the US Armed Forces. Like the US Navy, the overall combat readiness of the US Army, US Air Force, US Marine Corps, US National Guard, US Coast Guard, and US Air National Guard are all dependent on the same Quantity of Kapital in existence and the same Quantity of Schuld in existence. How much Kapital is being allocated to the US Department of Defense and how much Schuld is being allocated to the US National Debt are decisive in Financial Warfare. When the Pariahs of the Eurasian landmass adopt The Work-Standard, the Democratic-Republican Party has nothing to gain and everything to lose.
“Today the [Jeffersonians] have political headaches in every nook and cranny of the world. They are not only trapped in Korea, but they are also worried by the uncertain and hectic developments in China, Japan, Iran, Germany, [Eastern Europe and the Middle East], Turkey and Africa. There are deep-rooted differences with Great Britain and France and, above all, the Russian bear is poised to spring at any moment.
[For now, our Economy must] regain its previous position: the Markets in East and Southeast Europe, in Latin America and in Africa. China and the rest of Southeast Asia offer us a great future. There we can eliminate the [Jeffersonians and the EU/NATO] from competition, especially if we conduct our negotiations with the Soviets in a smart way. Our increasing economic power and ability to elbow our way politically, must be employed alternately. A prudent and undeviating policy will make it possible to establish someday a new political order in the world which will supersede the present colossi—the [Democratic-Republican Party] and the [Empire of Liberty].
Though we are powerless at present, we have nonetheless never permitted ourselves to be disarmed spiritually and scientifically. [Our] scholars are working unremittingly [in the SSE] as well as abroad on great scientific plans for the future. [F]irst-class scientists are working in the fields of interplanetary navigation, chemistry and on cosmic rays. Our scientists, unhampered in their work, have sufficient time and are planning day and night for [the] future. It is the [Prussian] spirit that creates modern weapons and that will bring surprising changes in the present relationship of forces.
Economic difficulties will one day plunge the [Empire of Liberty] from its present dizzy heights. Such a catastrophe can be brought about through crafty manipulations and through artificially engendered crises. Such maneuvers are routine measures which have already been employed in international power struggle and will be used again and again as long as economic rivals fight for power positions and Markets in the world.”
The World of the Future
“Everything depends on our succeeding in making the government firm and keeping it firm; whether it pleases us or not, there is nothing else and whoever can, should help. Who is unable to do so, or cannot bring himself to do it, should at least not disturb. But that is done by stupid newspaper articles which publicize the many weaknesses and ridiculous traits of the Reich. That is also done by resolutions and speeches against the military decrees which emanate from the officers’ side. It is very easy to say ‘This is unheard of’, and then to do nothing; it is very difficult to try to find usable timber among the ruins. Politics is the art of the possible, not what is desirable. My world looks different from that of today; but I will try and help that the two of us and another few Germans can live in the world of the future. To achieve this will be difficult enough, if it can be achieved.”-Hans von Seeckt, in a Letter to His Wife, ca. February 12, 1919
From the outset, the German Reich, Soviet Union, People’s Republic of China, Imperial Japan, Fascist Italy, Ayatollah’s Iran, Ottoman Sultanate, and DPRK are Pariahs in the LIEO for a reason. The historical record is unambiguous in the fact that any Diplomatic Revolution involving them can only be applicable against the Jeffersonians and LIEO, which have always been more of an exception than the actual rule. Even if the Jeffersonians and LIEO are still around, these eight will no doubt pursue their own national interests because of their historical antagonisms which long predated the 21st and 22nd centuries. This geopolitical reality must always be accounted for by the Foreign Affairs Ministry of the Socialist Nation at the behest of Student Government at all times.
It is true that the Socialist world order will be created by the establishment of the World State Organization (WSO). But just because the WSO is meant to govern the affairs of international law, that does not mean “International Socialism” will return to supplant those so-called “National Socialisms.” The Sino-Soviet Dispute, like the preceding Albanian-Soviet and Yugoslav-Soviet Disputes, ought to be understood as the historical case study on why “International Socialism” has failed in a world with multiple Socialist nation-states and why “National Socialism” became the prevailing norm in the Eastern Bloc countries. My Socialist readers do not necessarily have to rationalize the Pan-Germanic Socialism of Rudolf Jung if they are already familiar with “Against Dogmatism and Revisionism” or “On Party-Building, Against Revisionism and Dogmatism.”
The Socialist Nation, like the German-speaking world and the rest of humanity, will always be grappling with the ethical dilemma posed by the historical legacies of International Socialism and National Socialism in this Socialist International Economic Order (SIEO). While it is true that the SSE is capable of highlighting those differences for the Socialization of Young Minds, familiarity with the origins of the dialectical contradictions of both is critical for Student Government. Put another way, the Student Government must employ historical experience as its guide when interacting with the Student Government of other SSEs in foreign nations.
In the Soviet Union, there is the “Socialism in One Country” of Josef Stalin and then there is the “Permanent Revolution” of Leon Trotsky. Socialism in One Country provides the metaphysical basis for the Socialist Patriotism which enables this Author to adamantly argue that any realization of National Communism must be preceded by the realization of National Socialism. Permanent Revolution, on the other hand, condemns such notions as Socialist Patriotism as being supposedly “reactionary” insofar as the nation-state does not exist nor does the concept itself acknowledge the historical reality that, even in a Socialist world order, the nation-state will always continue to play a predominant role within world politics.
The German Reich is far more exceptional than the Soviet version for having two variations of the same ethical dilemma.
The metaphysics behind the “Prussian Socialism” described by Oswald Spengler in Prussianism and Socialism and the “Prussian Socialism” described by Arthur Moeller van den Bruck in Das Dritte Reich may seem similar on paper, but they are both diametrically different if applied in actual practice. The same case also applies for German Socialism, given the “Pan-Germanic Socialism” of Rudolf Jung in Der nationale Sozialismus (2nd Ed.) and the “National Communism” of Karl Otto Paetel in National Bolshevik Manifesto.
- Prussianism and Socialism, which cannot be properly understood without The Decline of the West, opposes alignments with the Pariahs.
- Das Dritte Reich, which cannot be properly understood without the Der Preußische Stil (The Prussian Style), supports alignments with the Pariahs.
- Der nationale Sozialismus (2nd Ed.) opposes alignments with the Pariahs.
- National Bolshevik Manifesto supports alignments with the Pariahs.
A Hegelian Synthesis of those four Socialisms reveals the ethical dilemma introduced by the distinctly Japanese, yet thoroughly Germanic premise, of Kokutairon Oyobi Junsui Shakaishugi (The National Polity and Pure Socialism) from 1906. As I had learned from Kita Ikki and reapplied his experiences to Spengler, van den Bruck, Jung and Paetel, there is an Ethical Way to Combine Nationalism and Socialism and an Unethical Way to Combine Nationalism and Socialism. The real challenge, the ethical dilemma, is knowing the difference between Patriotism and Chauvinism:
Kita Ikki (1883-1937) is difficult to pin down ideologically. He blended Socialist and Nationalist ideas, advocated a coup d’état at home and expansion abroad, and inspired the Young Officers to carry out their bloody rebellion of 26 February 1936. Yet, he also preached Democracy, was attached to China, and had warm feelings toward the United States. He did not admire the European Fascists and wrote his important works before Mussolini and Hitler. Whatever one may say about Kita Ikki, he was one of Japan’s most original political thinkers in the twentieth century.
In Kita Ikki and the Making of Modern Japan: A Vision of Empire, Brij Tankha, reader in modern Japanese history at the University of Delhi, presents a somewhat different picture of Kita. He does not characterize Kita as a Nationalist, for the simple reason that most other thinkers of his time, including Christians and Socialists, were also Nationalists. Instead, Tankha depicts him as a Reformist. Kita regarded the Meiji Restoration, Tankha shows, as a positive, democratic revolution that destroyed the power of the privileged classes and put an end to the old class system. But the Restoration was incomplete. It had to be continued by destroying the undemocratic powers of the financial magnates (Zaibatsu & Keiretsu) and the bureaucrats (Kanbatsu). The people should be freed, Kita believed, from the yoke of these modern oligarchies and given back control over their welfare and destiny.
Kita’s vision was not limited to the Japanese islands. He was personally involved in the Republican Revolution in China, urged Japan to liberate India, and called for an end to Western domination of Australia and Eastern Siberia. He did not, however, advocate the liberation of Korea, which he thought should be integrated into Japan as the Seikaido (Western Maritime District). He argued that in the First World War Japan should have sided with Germany and Turkey in order to combat Russian and British imperialism (pp. 136, 289). He wished to set up a ‘revolutionary empire’ under Japanese leadership to establish freedom and democracy in Asia. Despite his Imperialist vision, Kita was not a Racist. He rejected the notion of a pure Yamato race, claiming that the Japanese were a mixture of Korean, Chinese, Southeast Asian, and Aboriginal elements (p. 264). He did not regard Japanese culture as being superior to other cultures. His heroes were Napoleon and Lenin (p. 181), and the international language he envisaged for the liberated Asia was Esperanto (p. 193).
Despite the fact that Kita was a self-taught man and did not graduate from university, he was versed in the writings of Confucian thinkers as well as in the political literature of the West of his time. Like others, he was attracted to Socialism, because it combined moral ideals, like justice and freedom, with a scientific analysis of history. He befriended the Socialist leaders Kotoku Shusui and Sakai Toshihiko, and for a time worked for the Socialist newspaper Heimin shinbun. But Kita was not a blind follower of Western theories, and he advocated a Japanese brand of Socialism that would fit traditional values. In 1906, at the age of twenty-three, he wrote his book Kokutairon oyobi junsui shakaishugi (The National Polity and Pure Socialism), in which he pointed out the common ground between Japan’s ‘national essence’ and socialism.
Kita justified Japanese Imperialism on Socialist grounds: “Britain, astride the whole world, is like a very rich man, and Russia is landlord of half the northern world. Doesn’t Japan, which is like a propertyless person in international society, confined to these small islands, have the right to go to war to overthrow their domination in the name of justice?” (p. 282). As the first modern nation in Asia, Japan carried the responsibility to liberate other Asian nations as well as to ensure the livelihood of its own people. Kita called on Japan to seize Manchuria in order to protect China from Russian machinations, but also as a place to settle poor peasants from the home islands. For Kita, Japanese Imperialism was both a destiny and a necessity.
[And even though] most Nationalists of his day preached loyalty to the Throne, Kita was more interested in the Japanese people than in their Monarch. For Kita, the Emperor was a symbol, similar to his present status. Kita ridiculed the idea of Bansei Ikkei (the eternal unbroken line of emperors), dismissed the claim that the imperial family was in any way unique (p. 23), and rejected the concept that Japan was a family state with the emperor as its father (pp. 39-40). In his view, the significance of the monarch was not his divine descent but his position as ‘the people’s emperor’ and ‘the representative of the people’ (p. 214). He scorned the old-style monarchy and called for the abolition of the nobility and for the nationalization of the emperor’s property, something that the Allied Occupation did a few decades later. No wonder some of his writings were banned and others were censored by the authorities.
Just as the Socialists must learn how to distinguish between Nationalism and Internationalism, the Nationalists must learn how to distinguish between Patriotism and Chauvinism. There is in fact a fundamental difference between a Patriotic Nationalism and Patriotic Internationalism on the one hand and a “Chauvinist Internationalism” and “Chauvinist Nationalism” on the other.
Knowing these subtle differences should always be the first rule for anyone convinced of the feasibility of a Synthesis between Nationalism and Socialism. This particular ethical dilemma, associated with the concept of Socialist Patriotism, deserves the fitting title of the Inequality of the Socialisms: no world order will ever be realized by a trigger-happy student body with short fuses and fully-automatic weapons, invading other countries just to impose their own interpretation of Socialism on the youths of other nations. Any student, parent, schoolteacher or youth leader condoning or tolerating such behavior should be condemned as a national disgrace.
“No Taxation Without Representation!”
“[Through Sanctions, commercial firms from all the over the world cannot contribute economically, cannot purchase Work-Plans and borrow Work-Tenures,] cannot make investments, cannot make assumptions about what’s going to happen, [all] because we don’t know what [that SSE intends] to do [with a 600-Ship Navy]. But, you know, there’s a [economic] historical problem here [with its origins in US History]. [Before] we [Americans] became an independent nation, [we] were [too economically overdependent on] the British [Empire]. The [British] wanted the [Thirteen Colonies] to [submit to the British Crown]. We [refused as Patriots and condemned] the [concurring Loyalist] effort to hold back American [peace and prosperity]. We went to two wars: the Revolutionary War and, again, the War of 1812. The [historical record warns that nothing bodes well for those] trying to squelch [the] economic power [of anyone].”-Richard David Wolff, We Need a More Humane Economic System—Not One That Only Benefits the Rich, ca. December 26, 2018
Building a 600-Ship Navy, let alone a 6,000-Ship Navy, demands trust in the intentions of others. As part of their classroom curricula at the secondary educational level, it is mandatory for the student body to familiarize themselves with the cultures, traditions, languages, customs and norms of other nations, especially those whose EGO (Extracurricular Guild Occupation) must interface with foreign SSEs. The most obvious example, barring the Student Diplomats, Student Intelligence Corps, and the Student Ambassadors to the WSO, are those youths who are serving the Draft and exercising Codetermination in the Student Cooperatives of the Socialist Nation’s Military-Industrial Complex. Here, the Third Wave Experiment’s “Diversity in Conscience and Community, Unity in Discipline and Action” gives birth to notions of Strength Through Peace!
Everything depicted in “Total Educational Effort (Pt. V of V)” was realized by the signing of a single multilateral Real Trade Agreement (RTA). Under the terms of this RTA, the Student Governments of these nine SSEs are allowed to form Student Exchange Programs through the Student Cooperatives. Each SSE proceeded to offer the other eight Arbeit, Geld, Equipmentalities, NSFIs, technologies and technical patents, advisors and attachés, student dormitories and training schools. Germanic Shopping Citadels opened their doors. Special medals conferred to students working and studying in any one of the other eight SSEs.
Youth Paramilitary Sporting Competitions are established. Deep Underground Shopping Centers (DUSCs) churned out a wide variety of MAFVs, MATVs, MARVs, C-Wings, A-Wings, and arsenals of Household Appliances. Shipyards, Drydocks, Submarine Pens grew increasingly animated with activity in the middle of the night, delivery trucks and young workers coming and going amidst thunderstorms and an intense downpour. The warships being construction were as ingenious as the naval doctrines being articulated for them. A relevant section from Der Arbeiter about Luxury Cruise Ships and Battleship actually alluded to the number of creative ways in which a civilian ship can be readily converted into an actual warship, courtesy of the Total Mobilization of Production for Dasein:
- Merchant Aircraft Carriers (MACs) featured flight decks brimmed with dozens of A-Wings serving as unmanned naval fighters and naval bombers, its pilots operating them from within the hull of the warship itself. As with their land-based brethren, the MAFV, all A-Wings will continue to fight despite losing their pilots and crews to enemy action.
- Pocket Battleships achieved faster knots and boasted superior anti-aircraft armaments than the Battleships of the 20th century. History has demonstrated that warships with an overemphasis armor is impractical in open waters. Therefore, greater emphasis should be placed on speed and firepower for the capital ships of naval fleets.
- Large merchant ships became Light Cruisers, Heavy Cruisers, and even Battlecruisers. The Frigates and Destroyers were converted from smaller merchant vessels. With the obvious exception of Battlecruisers, they can serve as escort ships for the naval fleets.
- Luxury Yachts were redesigned as Minesweepers and Minelayers, whilst Luxury Speedboats became Patrol Boats that defended coastal waters. Although sea mines function differently than landmines, they are just as deadly as their land-based cousins. These warships are also needed to deploy Anti-Submarine Nets to prevent enemy U-Boats to sneaking into coastal waters during inclement weather and low-light conditions.
- Luxury Cruise Liners, especially those designed to operate in rough waters, are capable of becoming Troopships and Hospital Ships. Ferryboats reconfigured as Amphibious Assault Ships, deploying vehicles as support units for attacking naval infantry.
- Some ships can even be rebuilt as functioning U-Boats capable of deep diving as well as launching torpedoes and anti-ship missiles from their hulls whilst submerged at periscope depth. Merchant U-Boats are also being developed to haul cargo and personnel, complete with a two-man SDV (Submersible Delivery Vehicle).
The best part of all is that everything can be built within four years at a fraction of the cost it would take the US Navy to field the same number of warships. Granted, I should mention that the Implicit Intent of Strength Through Peace is never about starting World War III. The School of Financial Warfare exploits the disadvantages of Liberal Capitalist Finance, Technology and Fintech by means of the Freedom-Security Dialectic and the Economic Calculation Problem. The Jeffersonians will bury themselves in with their own Sovereign Schuld, depreciating Kapital itself to the point where it literally becomes worthless due to Hyperinflation. The more Economic Sanctions are being slapped against the Socialist Nation by the Jeffersonians and the more resilient and creative the SSE becomes at helping the Totality outmaneuver them, the less effect those Economic Sanctions will be as time passes.
Operating under the constitutional precedent of dozens of National Emergencies, the Jeffersonians rely on four different variants of Sanctions as Financial Warfare-capable weapons:
- Economic Sanctions neutralize the Totality’s Real Trade Agreements, preventing the national economy from exporting or importing anything with anyone. The Jeffersonians prefer this one the most because it can be dictated unilaterally as a Domestic Policy matter by the Democratic-Republican Party.
- Individual Sanctions target Property Owners, State Officials, Youth Leaders, and Administrators of State Enterprises, bypassing the Totality, State, SSE and students. The Jeffersonians often resort to this Sanction against Individuals whom they suspect to be supporting the targeted nation. Concepts like “Private Property-as-Wealth” disappear in the exact same manner as when privatized commercial banks engage in the Repossession of a Foreclosed Household and the Eviction of whoever lives there.
- Financial Sanctions attack the Central Bank, State Commissariats and Kontore by denying them the ability to conduct transactions with European-American financial institutions, allowing the Empire of Liberty to deny “Foreign Direct Investments” (FDIs) to replenish depleted foreign currency reserves. Since the School of Financial Warfare relies on the Work-Standard for all of its transactions, the proper equivalent is of course the State Foreignization Investments (SFIs) for Total Economic Potential (TEP) and Total Financial Potential (TFP). Given the characteristics of the Work-Standard and the limitations of Liberal Capitalist Finance, however, the Financial Sanction will only target TFP, instead of attacking TEP or both simultaneously.
- Secondary Sanctions engage the Pariahs and their SSEs while they engage in Economic Socialization with the Totality, State, SSE and Student Government. They can target the various SAEs, SOEs, NSEs, POEs, and PDEs of the VCS Economy by engaging anyone or anything contributing Arbeit and generating Geld for them in other nations. They are also most difficult to control and the most unwieldy of the four Sanctions deployed by the Jeffersonians because of its propensity to harm the Empire of Liberty itself.
Of these four Sanctions, which one is the most beneficial to the State and Totality? A well-disciplined, well-trained and well-bred Student Government of born Statesmen, not career politicians, will no doubt prefer the Jeffersonians to engage the Socialist Nation with Secondary Sanctions rather than the Economic, Financial and Individual Sanctions. This in turn fulfills the first half of the Intent behind achieving Strength Through Peace with a 600-Ship Navy. The other half is of course Socialist Patriotism as the Unity of Opposites between the Nationalist youths and the Socialist youths. Like the Anima and Animus of Jungian Psychology, Nationalist youths need Socialism to fully express their Patriotic Nationalism just as Socialist youths need Nationalism to fully express their Patriotic Internationalism.
To summarize everything discussed in this two-part Third Place Post, the future of any nation-state depends on the young people between the ages of 14 and 34 to act as real men and real women, rather than the immature, overgrown children that Neoliberalism shamelessly promotes. Where Nationalist and Socialist youths are able to case aside their differences as Comrades, they become more like those American Patriots who once participated in the original Boston Tea Party from 1773. For American Nationalists and American Socialists of unremitting resolve and courageous open-mindedness, let “No Taxation without Representation” become the true rallying cry of an authentically All-American Socialist Patriotism.
As for everyone else, whenever the Class Struggle and the National Interest are intertwined, the Student Government must strive to nurture their talents and potentials as the Youth Leaders that they must become. They shall lead their fellow classmates, overseeing the diplomacy and interventions of their SSE within the homerooms and campuses of these OECD-Type Student Economies. Only then will these two seemingly different youth groups be able to demonstrate political statecraft going above and beyond the wildest dreams of the 1960s Counterculture during the 1968 Student Protests. Only then can the Draft be fully redeemed with honor and restored as the best 18th birthday gift from both Totality and State under a functioning Council Democracy.
Categories: Third Place